The British
Are Missing an Historic Opportunity
in Europe
By JONATHAN POWER
LONDON-- The split at the top
of the British government could not have come at a worst
time. Just as Britain is stepping into the presidency of the
European Union the unpleasant rivalry, until now sublimated,
between the camps of Prime Minister Tony Blair and his
effective number two, Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon
Brown has hit the political headlines, threatening to throw
Britain's young Labour government into spasms of internal
conflict just as all its attention is needed for what is
certainly to be the most difficult task of its period in
office, constructing the right relationship with its
European partners.
The political calendar is turning fast
and time is not on Britain's side. What has been talked and
negociated about for many years is going to reach its
denouement in mere months. On May 10th a summit presided
over by Mr Blair will decide the membership of the European
economic and monetary union that will come into being on the
first day of next year. In effect, Mr Blair and his team
have not much more than three months to get their act
together.
Are they for this venture, or are they
against it? Do they want to be part of the great "historic
compromise", even it means turning somersaults on their
previous wait and see commitments? Or do they want to stay
on the sidelines, trusting there will be a more propitious
time to join in the future, sometime after the next
election, four and a half years hence, when supposedly the
Blair government, the economic cycle and public opinion will
have moved in tandem, by some miracle, to their most
opportune positions on the political firmament?
The danger for Mr Blair is that in
forsaking leadership and, as it presently appears,
postponing this most important of all decisions, he has
undermined his own government in a way that no political
rival could. Indeed, he can only be rescued by events
outside his control--the failure of the currency union to
work as planned. If the so-called Eurosceptics are right and
the tight money policy necessary for its success breeds
increased unemployment and inappropriate interest rates and,
therefore, more intra-European political tension, not less
as is the object, then Mr Blair will reap the benefits of
his seat in the bleachers. But if the single currency is a
success, which is the more likely scenario, Mr Blair may be
left standing helplessly at the entry gate, unable to walk
through because he has allowed himself to be the follower,
not the leader of public opinion at home, a public opinion
that may then be soured by the consequences of what might
flow from a successful monetary union--a devaluation of the
British pound or, at least, a rather volatile currency, a
loss of inward investment in favour of the continent,
further marginalization of British influence in the world
and, not least, the eclipse of London by Frankfurt as
Europe's pre-eminent financial centre.
As Roy Denman, a top British diplomat
who was at the centre of negociations for Britain's entry
into the European Economic Community in 1973, has put it,
"The British presidency has all the makings of a farce...The
British prime minister and his colleagues will resemble the
orchestra at the end of the Marx Brothers' "A Night at the
Opera." "On a barge moored to a pier it began to play. But
someone had cut the mooring line and as the barge drifted
out to sea the orchestra's sound faded into the distance."
Even at this late hour there is a hand
that Mr Blair could deal--which is to play the presidency
over the next three months on the assumption that Britain is
going to join the single currency at some not too distant
point. This will generate its own momentum. Nothing is more
appealing to onlookers than the captain of a fully rigged
schooner racing before a good wind.
Already the opposition Conservatives
are making it easy for him. With their new young leader,
William Hague, the Conservatives have nailed their colors to
the Euro-hostile mast. But the so-called "grandees" of the
party, former foreign secretaries and the like, have come
out in favour of membership.
Timing is everything. If this ship is
taking in no water come the end of April Mr Blair should
announce that he is advancing by five years the date of a
British referendum on the issue of joining to soon after the
May summit--worded to give Mr Blair the authority to join up
when he judges the moment is right for British economic
well-being.
The argument for Britain being at the
heart of Europe is as it has long been--to make sure that
Europe is so bound together there never again can be war on
its soil (and that means looking forward to the day when
Russia becomes a member). Mr Blair has it in his hands not
only to change the history of Europe but to be on course to
become its leading statesman. But is he too bogged down in
parochial, little-Englander politics and petty, personal
differences with his chancellor to seize the defining
moment?
January 21, 1998, LONDON
Copyright © 1998 By JONATHAN POWER
Note: I can be reached by phone +44 385 351172; fax
+44 374 590493;
and e-mail: JonatPower@aol.com
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